Article Alert

January/February 2007

ALERT, a monthly publication of the Information Resource Center at Public Affairs Section of American Consulate General Shenyang, offers abstracts of current articles in major areas of U.S. domestic or international affairs. Full-text articles are available to you upon request. To request articles, please contact the Information Resource Center by telephone , fax, e-mail xiaob@state.gov, or by mail. To request mail, please circle the articles you wish to receive, include your name, address, and telephone number and return this list to us.  DISCLAIMER: articles and links to non-U.S. government Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views contained therein.

The Rule of Law

1.    ENSURING A LEGACY: SOLIDIFYING THE BUSH DOCTRINE

       Holmes, Kim R.

       National Interest, No. 87, January/February 2007, pp. 21-27

The author, vice president of Foreign and Defense Policy Studies at The Heritage Foundation, outlines President Bush’s overhaul of foreign policy following the 9/11 attacks and questions if these strategies known as the ‘Bush Doctrine’ will become institutionalized, or if these will evaporate once the president leaves office. Holmes argues that in order for President Bush’s foreign policy to soldier on, he must do something to stabilize the situation in Iraq and create the foundation for future strategies for confronting Iran and North Korea . Holmes also recommends revisiting the balance between fighting terrorism and establishing democracy. She even suggests that the president abandon his commitment to democracy in Iraq , something she argues may not be realistic right now. Most importantly, Holmes says that the president should develop new policies and remain committed to his plans, rather than try to defend past actions -- this is a pattern outgoing leaders often make in the last years of their terms and would only hurt President Bush’s legacy.

2.    GETTING TO 60

       Victor, Kirk

       National Journal. vol. 39, no. 2, January 13, 2007, pp. 36-43

The U.S. Senate's new Majority Leader Harry Reid, Democrat of Nevada, is seeking to find new ways to engage Republicans and Democrats in bipartisanship and to celebrate independent-mindedness among his Democratic colleagues in order to keep his members united. Because the new Democratic majority is slim -- 51 Democrats to 49 Republicans -- it is widely believed that nothing will get done on the Senate floor without 60 votes. In an interview with the National Journal, Reid said he believes that Senate Republicans would ultimately hurt Bush's presidency if they oppose everything the Democrats want to accomplish. "If we are able to stand for bipartisanship, openness, and results," Reid said, "we don't need to stand for anything else. The rest will just fall in." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, Republican from Kentucky , told the National Journal that Republicans do have an incentive to help the Democrats govern because "accomplishing things for the country may benefit both sides." The lawmakers agreed that their biggest fears in the coming months are not taking on the big issues: Iraq , immigration, and Social Security. As author Victor recounts a Capitol Hill truism that it is "easier for a leader to keep a party's members united in the minority than in the majority," Reid said he is humbled by the fact that majorities are fleeting as he works to keep his party together.

3.    INFORMATION WARS

       Greenfield, Heather

       National Journal, vol. 39, no. 8, Feb. 24, 2007, pp. 48-49

The author examines the effectiveness of a new campaign tool –- search-engine ads tied to key words or phrases. Advertisers choose key words and create ads around them, so that when readers search online for information on that topic, the ad appears to the right of the search results. Both liberal and conservative consultants said this was one of the most effective campaign tools in the final weeks of the 2006 campaigns. It is also cheap; for example, for only $326, a liberal blogger set up an ad campaign that led 1,000 people searching for information on then-Virginia Senator George Allen to a article critical of him. Tactics such as "Googlebombing" -- a way to push news articles up to the top of Google search results -- will be used again in 2008, the author writes.

4.    JUDGING POLITICS

       Vaida, Bara

       National Journal, Vol. 39, No. 5, Feb. 3, 2007, pp. 36-41

Americans are losing faith in the partiality of judges, something legal scholars and lawyers blame on corporate lobbying and conservative activists. More money is being pumped into state judicial races, with at least $40 million spent on state Supreme Court races in 2006. The increase in spending has lead to politicized campaigning, including TV attack ads. Also, in 2002 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that judges have the right to announce their political views, something that business groups and think tanks have jumped on, pushing judges to publicly declare their views on politicized issues like abortion and gay marriage. The conservative group Focus on Family even sent out questionnaires to judges, asking about political views and judicial philosophy. This shift has caused backlash from voters and in 2006 four states voted on initiatives to limit the power of the judiciary. The American Bar Association is trying to fight the backlash, advocating for the public financing of judicial races and developing universal standards to evaluate judges.

5.    LEGACY TIME

       Cannon, Carl

       National Journal, Vol. 39, No. 1, January 6, 2007, pp. 24-29

Now that the 2006 Midterm elections are over, President Bush is concerned with how his presidency will be remembered when he leaves office. According to some scholars, the president’s legacy hinges on success in the unpopular Iraq war. However, the author asserts that it is not too late for the president to modify his legacy. He goes on to offer five policies that could change how the outgoing president is remembered. These actions include capturing Osama bin Laden, executing an Israeli peace plan, outlining an effective energy policy, passing immigration reform and curtailing federal spending. The author asserts that if President Bush executes any of these policies successfully, these feats could overshadow or at least share space with the Iraq War in the history books.

6.    MAYOR IN THE MIDDLE

       Gurwitt, Rob

       Governing, vol. 20, no. 5, February 2007, pp. 22-31

Staff correspondent Gurwitt says that Los Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa came into office as a leader of the city's political left wing, but governs from the center. As a former labor unionizer, Villaraigosa was instrumental in getting union officials and hotel owners to negotiate during a strike. His goal is better schools and affordable housing for Los Angeles . Villaraigosa creates and maintains coalitions to advance his priorities.

7.    PERCEPTIONS OF FEDERAL AID IMPACTS ON STATE AGENCIES: PATTERNS, TRENDS, AND VARIATIONS ACROSS THE 20TH CENTURY

       Cho, Chung-Lae; Wright, Deil S.

       Publius, vol. 37, no. 1, Winter 2007, pp. 103-130

The authors examine views of state government executives on federal aid with a focus on the relationship between the federal government and the states. The period of the study’s coverage ranges from the 1920s to 2004, during which federal aid to the states grew tremendously, encompassing some 3,000 state agencies in all fifty states. Although some state officials expressed concern about the intrusiveness of the federal government that can accompany this assistance, their views tend to fluctuate through the years, with some seeing a centralized national trend as a positive development. Overall, however, the states have managed to maintain autonomy, even with constant changes in the federal-state relationship, and no doubt it will continue to evolve.

8.    STALLED REFORM: THE CASE OF EGYPT

       Mustafa, Hala; Norton, Augustus

       Current History, vol. 106, no. 696, January 2007, pp. 39-41

While U.S. efforts to promote democracy were met with skepticism in the Middle East , they also produced considerable excitement and debate. But in the wake of election victories in Egypt , Lebanon , and the Palestinian territories for groups hostile to the United States , the authors worry about Washington turning its back on its Freedom Agenda and a rise in government crackdowns on democracy activists, which they report is happening today in Egypt . Mustafa and Norton, both with the al-Ahram Center in Cairo, call on Washington to promote democratic rights and freedoms, not just elections, and use the leverage of its $2 billion in annual aid to insist on tangible progressive reforms from Cairo.

9.    THE STARTING GATE: FOREIGN POLICY DIVIDES THE DEMOCRATS

       Goldberg, Jeffrey

       New Yorker, January 15, 2007

Further confirming that this is going to be a long election season, The New Yorker’s Jeffrey Goldberg, writing a year before the Democratic primary, notes that foreign policy, not the usual hot-button issues such as abortion or taxes, is what differentiates the potential 2008 Democratic presidential candidates from each other and from the Republicans. Goldberg examines why Senator Evan Bayh (D-IN), before even declaring his candidacy, decided against running: Bayh believes the Iraq war has turned some Democrats away from their internationalist tradition, and that has created a new dynamic which may not leave much room for more hawkish Democratic candidates. He then cites several studies about the Democratic-voting electorate to explore how the platforms of Democratic candidates Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-NY), former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, and Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL) compare with Democratic voters’ views of foreign policy issues. Goldberg concludes that “a year before the primaries, the Democrats have solid contenders ... each of whom -- some more than others -- is struggling to design a credible series of foreign-policy beliefs for a party that has foreign-policy inclinations but no reigning philosophy.”

10.    WHAT'S NEXT?

         Cohen, Richard E.

         National Journal, vol. 39, no. 4, January 27, 2007, pp. 20-21

"When Republicans were in control, it was all about stopping bad things from happening," tells one policy director to author Richard Cohen. Republicans controlled Capitol Hill with a Republican president and a Republican Congress for most of the past 12 years, and liberal-minded interest groups have been used to frustration and setbacks rather than success. Now that congressional Democrats are back on top and after a flurry of congressional action on the so-called first 100-hours legislation, including raising the minimum wage and lowering student-loan interest rates, Democratic leaders are beginning to focus on a long-term agenda. Long-stalled issues on interest group wish lists include the needs of low-income people, increasing energy independence, the environment -- especially global warming -- and labor issues, among others. Yet Democratic leaders must balance the demands for sweeping initiatives against other political and even practical considerations, Cohen writes, because Bush is still the president and because front and center is dealing with the war in Iraq .

Economics and Trade

11.    BILATERALISM – A RADICAL SHIFT IN U.S. TRADE POLICY: WHAT WILL IT MEAN FOR AGRICULTURAL TRADE?

         Kerr, William A.; Hobbs , Jill E.

         Journal of World Trade, vol. 40, no. 6, 2006, pp. 1049-1058

         Kerr, William A.; Hobbs , Jill E.          Journal of World Trade, vol. 40, no. 6, 2006, pp. 1049-1058

         Kerr, William A.; Hobbs , Jill E.          Journal of World Trade, vol. 40, no. 6, 2006, pp. 1049-1058

The authors say that the shift in U.S. trade policy away from an exclusive reliance on multilateral institutions to a multifaceted approach that includes multilateral, regional and bilateral initiatives has the potential to produce greater liberalization. However, they caution, these types of arrangements may also be a way to strategically use the economic advantages that come from being a large economic power. Agricultural trade, with its history of selective protectionism, has long been an area of contention in multilateral negotiations. And, they write, since the U.S. is generally a proponent of agricultural trade liberalization, the U.S. may simply see bilateral/regional arrangements as an avenue for overcoming the frustrations of its market access ambitions at the multilateral level. But, given that moving away from the multilateral rules could lead to abuse of economic power and geopolitical pressures, they suggest the role of bilateral and regional agreements in the multilateral system should be revisited.

12.    COMBATING TERRORIST FINANCING AND OTHER FINANCIAL CRIMES THROUGH PRIVATE SECTOR PARTNERSHIPS

         Forman, Marcy M.

         Journal of Money Laundering Control, vol. 9, no. 1, 2006, pp. 112-118

Forman, an official at the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Investigations, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), endorses sharing identified vulnerabilities and information with trusted private sector partners as a first line of defense against financial crimes. She says partnerships between the public and private sector represent one of the strongest means to combat money-laundering schemes by terrorists and other criminal organizations and to block the material support needed to fuel their operations. Two case studies are presented which demonstrate how ICE’s outreach and partnership program -- known as “Cornerstone” -- has successfully partnered with US financial, trade, manufacturing and transportation sectors to eliminate systemic vulnerabilities that could be exploited by terrorist and other criminal organizations. All nations must recognize that any criminal act, whether driven by profit or ideology, threatens national economic security and integrity, and produces consequences that transcend all borders, she writes. Therefore, she concludes, law enforcement must initiate private/public partnerships to leverage defenses and maximize effectiveness.

13.    ENTREPRENEURIAL CULTURE

         Phelps, Edmund S.

         Wall Street Journal, February 12, 2007, p. A15

A Nobel Laureate in economics, Phelps analyzes the reasons behind why European economies, primarily the Big Three ( Germany , France , and Italy ), are doing poorly compared with the United States . Phelps identifies the lack of “economic dynamism,” the ability to come up with innovative business ideas, as a primary factor. Phelps attributes this to differences in goals that workers seek in their jobs. For example, when asked the importance of “jobs offering opportunities for achievement”, 42 percent of French respondents ranked it a high priority, versus 73 percent of American respondents. He also notes that there is a sense of anti-commercialism in Europe, as compared to America , where the “man of action ... [is encouraged] to grasp the chance of moment,” applying a quote by Tocqueville.

14.    FREE TRADE BLUES

         Faux, Jeff

         International Economy, vol. 21, no. 1, Winter 2007, pp. 10-13

Over the next two years, U.S. congressional and administration efforts to move forward a trade agenda are likely to end up in stalemate, says Faux, a distinguished fellow with the Economic Policy Institute. Faux says that at least seven new Senate seats and 30 new House seats once occupied by supporters of free trade and investment are now occupied by critics of the Bush administration’s trade policies. Congressional Democrats, he says, are frustrated that global economic integration has led to stagnating real incomes and rising trade and current account deficits, while the salaries and bonuses of the richest Americans continue to climb. Faux says that none of the free-trade agreements with Peru , Columbia , and Panama contain the worker protections that many Democrats want and that the administration doesn’t currently have the votes for reauthorization of trade negotiating authority. With the administration occupied with Iraq and the war on terror, Faux doesn’t see how the administration will be able to muster the will to modify its trade agenda to deal with Democratic concerns.

15.    IMPACT OF REGIME TYPE ON THE INFLUENCE OF U.S. FOREIGN AID

         Lai, Brian; Morey, Daniel S.

         Foreign Policy Analysis, vol. 2, 2006, pp. 385-404

The authors believe that past studies of U.S. foreign aid and United Nations voting have not taken into account the different incentives of leaders based on regime type. Both democratic and non-democratic leaders use different means to remain in power, conditioning their response to foreign aid. Non-democratic leaders can use foreign aid to provide private goods to elites, they note, ensuring continued support or to improve their coercive capabilities to maintain power. Democratic leaders can use neither of these tools, since their legitimacy requires mass support. This means that non-democratic societies are more likely than democracies to change their voting behavior in the UN to match donor preferences, say the authors. Controlling for the influence of regime type allows the authors to test for foreign aid as an effective tool of state policy. Non-democratic state leaders respond to increased foreign aid by voting with the U.S. in the UN, they explain, while democratic leaders are non-responsive to foreign aid.

16.    INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 2.0

         Van Agtmael, Antoine

         Foreign Policy, no. 158, January/February 2007, pp. 40-46

Economist van Agtmael says Western protectionism has been a hindrance for Western companies. Protectionist policies in a globalizing economy generally led to a false sense of security, a reluctance to streamline, and a lack of innovative thinking in industries such as steel, automobiles, electronics and cement. Meanwhile, he notes, emerging market companies are increasingly competitive, with many firms capable of attaining world class status. In 1988, there were just twenty companies in emerging markets with sales over $1 billion. Last year, there were 270, including at least 38 with sales exceeding $10 billion. This is not a simple case of unsophisticated makers of low-cost, low-tech products reaping the rewards of cheap labor, he observes -- many of these firms are high-tech, capital intensive and operate under sophisticated marketing and management strategies. This does not mean that Western economies are doomed to “lose”, he emphasizes. The world economy is not a zero-sum game, says van Agtmael, and globalization should benefit any company willing to adapt and innovate to maintain a competitive edge.

17.    MAKING AID WORK

         Sundberg, Mark; Gelb, Alan

         Finance & Development, vol. 43, no. 4, December 2006, pp. 14-17

Sundberg and Gelb, both with the World Bank, say the end of the Cold War and progress towards a new aid architecture should make aid more effective. In the past, they note, aid was often guided by geopolitical considerations rather than by development objectives. Consequently, they explain, aid effectiveness suffered and was often seen as a reward for corrupt governments. However, changes since the 1990s hold clear promise for improving aid quality and effectiveness in achieving development objectives, they write. These changes include harmonization of aid efforts and improved aid allocation selectivity on the basis of need and policy quality.

18.   THE PERILS OF PREDICTION: HOW THE FATHER OF GLOBALIZATION GOT IT (PARTLY) WRONG

        Smith, Jeremy N.

        World Trade, January 2007, pp. 40-44

Smith says Theodore Leavitt, an economist famous for predicting the future of globalization, got some things right, despite some glaring miscalculations about how global businesses should be managed. Leavitt made bold predictions that globalization would lead to such a degree of standardization that companies would not need to adjust their practices to succeed in other countries. However, companies that have taken this advice too literally have invited failure, notes Smith. Wal-Mart Germany , for instance, did not adjust its operations to suit the local culture, local attitudes about organized labor dealings, or local shopping habits. Consequently, Wal-Mart lost hundreds of millions of dollars, and ultimately shut down its German operations. Pankaj Ghemawat, another economist, takes a much more nuanced approach to a globalized business world, and asserts four dimensions of market “distance” will continue to matter: cultural, administrative, geographic and economic. Despite the shortfalls of Leavitt’s predictions, he is still widely read and studied because he did successfully demonstrate how managers ought to begin the think about global markets, writes Smith.

19.    REDUCING AMERICAN DEPENDENCE ON OIL

         Carbaugh, Robert; Wassell, Charles Jr.

         Challenge, vol. 49, no. 6, November/December 2006, pp. 55-77

The authors, both economics professors at Central Washington University , say no single policy will “solve” the U.S. oil dependence problem. They examine the pros and cons of several widely discussed solutions such as rationing coupons (both non-transferable and tradable), increased gasoline taxes, higher fuel-economy requirements, higher prices, and alternative fuels. On the demand side, they note, the policy choices create a tension between speeding up reduction in consumption and a policy-induced inefficiency or inequity. And, from the supply side, there is a trade-off between environmental concerns that would accompany increased domestic production and other oil-related external costs. Policymakers will inevitably have to choose the “lesser of two evils”, they conclude. Consequently, it is essential that a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis –- including the option of a “no-action” alternative -– be conducted prior to implementing any policy options.

20.    A SECOND LOOK AT MICROFINANCE

         Dichter, Thomas

         Cato Institute, Development Policy Briefing Paper, no. 1, February 15, 2007, 13 pp.

Dichter, an economic development expert, says the economic history of rich nations has a lot to teach us about the relationship between credit and economic growth, and he makes several points. First, microcredit never played a significant role in business start-up or small business development. Second, the first efforts to “democratize” financial services were almost entirely savings and “thrift” based. Economic development, in fact, came before (or at best alongside) the movements to democratize financial services. And, credit for the poor followed the savings movement and developed almost entirely in relationship to consumption. Finally, most people are not entrepreneurs. Given these historical patterns, he notes, expectations about microcredit’s ability to create economic growth need to be radically reduced.

Global Issues

21.    BUILDINGS THAT BREATHE

         Deneen, Sally; Howard, Brian

         E: The Environmental Magazine, Vol. 18, No. 1, January/February 2007, pp. 27-39

         Deneen, Sally; Howard, Brian          E: The Environmental Magazine, Vol. 18, No. 1, January/February 2007, pp. 27-39

“Green” construction is coming of age in the U.S. and elsewhere. Three factors are encouraging the shift toward green buildings: rising energy prices; improved indoor air quality; and a desire to reduce the environmental “footprint”. Green building standards are set by the U.S. Green Building Council’s Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design program (LEED), and have been adopted in 54 U.S. cities and by 23 federal agencies. Seattle has led the way as the first of 20 states in the next five years that will build green housing for low-income residents. The authors note that, while green building technology has come far in recent years, getting Americans to build smaller homes would have longer-term benefits. The article is a comprehensive survey of the latest green design efforts across the U.S. Accompanying sidebars include discussions on the “cradle-to-cradle” concept, that products be designed for re-use, and an overview of green building in Europe, Asia and Brazil.

22.    CAN COAL COME CLEAN?

         Folger, Tim

         Discover, vol. 27, no. 12, December 2006, pp. 42-47

The author notes that with fossil fuel prices rising, and nuclear power in a political stalemate, global appetite for coal is soaring. Over 150 coal-fired power plants will be built in the U.S. over the next two decades, and China is expected to construct over 550 plants in the next eight years. Although abundant, coal is the filthiest fuel, both in its extraction and combustion. Integrated gasification combined cycle (IGCC) plants, of which there are only four worldwide, will probably be the “means by which we survive our coal-fueled future,” notes Folger. In the IGCC process, the coal is converted into gas; all impurities are extracted before the combustion process, and the carbon dioxide is sequestered. The only drawback is economic -– the plants are more expensive to build and there is currently no incentive for capturing carbon in the U.S. , India or China , the three biggest consumers of coal. The author notes, however, that the “mounting evidence of climate change will spook the world into action”; several observers expect mandatory economy-wide changes to be in place in the next few years, including measures by China and India, which both have large populations at risk from rising sea levels.

23.    CHINA 'S COAL FUTURE

         Fairley, Peter

         Technology Review, January/February 2007, pg. 56-61

To prevent massive pollution and slow its growing contribution to global warming, China will have to make advanced coal technology work on an unprecedented scale. Pollution is the leading cause of death there, and local governments, utilities and entrepreneurs are building, on average, one coal-fired power plant a week. Coal gasification is key for clean coal in China ; implementation of the technology in power plants has lagged, but large-scale efforts to produce liquid transportation fuels using gasification are well underway. Shenhua Group, China ’s largest coal company, is building the country’s first coal-to-fuels complex. China has to rely on coal for future electricity and fuel needs and will eventually have to cap its carbon dioxide emissions, notes one analyst; "gasification is one of the few technologies that can reconcile those conflicting scenarios at reasonable cost," he added, but the timing of China's technology transition is in question.

24.    QUICK FIXES FOR THE ENVIRONMENT: PART OF THE SOLUTION OR PART OF THE PROBLEM?

         Sterner, Thomas, Et Al.

         Environment, Vol. 48, No. 10, December 2006, pp. 20-27

Political leaders too often deal with environmental problems only when crisis is upon them, the authors note. Too often, governments implement “quick fixes” to address problems rather than looking at environmental issues in their larger contexts. Whether these choices are made from ignorance, lack of political will or resources, these short-term solutions can often exacerbate a problem in the long run. The authors have tracked this pattern in cases around the world, citing the U.S. Gulf Coast damage from Hurricane Katrina as one of many examples. In that case and others like it, their research shows that political leaders will frequently address flooding issues with levee construction rather than enact the environmentally sound choice of allowing the river to return to its natural course. In the case of climate change, the authors point to abatement of carbon emissions as the long-term solution to the problem, and proposals to sequester emissions in the deep ocean as a short-term fix.

25.    THE REGIONAL GREENHOUSE GAS INITIATIVE: TAKING ACTION INMAINE

         Bogdonoff, Sondra; Rubin, Jonathan

         Environment, Vol. 49, No. 2, March 2007, pp. 8-16

The U.S. is sometimes criticized as a laggard in the worldwide response to the greenhouse gas/global warming problem. Yet, the authors note, state and local governments and regional collectives are showing a great deal of interest in the problem. They describe one such plan, the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), that is moving toward implementation in the seven Northeastern and Mid-Atlantic states that signed the original agreement, and is expanding to other states. The authors note that RGGI will have a significant impact throughout the U.S. , particularly since California has signed on, and focus on what the state of Maine has to do as it begins to implement the initiative.

26.    UNPREPARED FOR A PANDEMIC 
         Osterholm, Michael T.

         Foreign Affairs, vol. 86, no. 2, March-April 2007, pp. 47-57

Sooner or later an influenza pandemic will strike the world, but the world will likely not be prepared for it, according to Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota . Even the spread of avian flu has failed to generate a commitment from national policymakers who are overwhelmed by the uncertainties and faced with competing demands for resources. Apathy will have a high cost because the unprecedented connections in the global economy today "could make the next influenza pandemic more devastating than the ones before it." Without surge capacity to produce, transport and distribute pharmaceuticals, food, and other products, the global economy could grind to a halt, leaving local communities to get through the crisis on their own. The author urges that governments should devise national strategies to prepare for pandemics and spend a lot more on research to develop universal influenza vaccines.

Regional Security

27.    THE HARD ROAD BACK TO SOFT POWER

         Smith, Pamela Hyde

         Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 8, No. 1, Winter/Spring 2007, pp. 115-123

         Smith, Pamela Hyde          Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 8, No. 1, Winter/Spring 2007, pp. 115-123

         Smith, Pamela Hyde          Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 8, No. 1, Winter/Spring 2007, pp. 115-123

The author, a former ambassador to Moldova and currently teaching at Georgetown University ’s School of Foreign Service , describes some aspects of the continuing “downward slide in global public opinion” of the U.S. and her suggestions for reversing this worrisome trend. She contends that “Anti-American forces are taking advantage of the collapse of U.S. popularity across the globe, making anti-Americanism a national security threat.” Citing a string of alarming statistics about the U.S. image in the world, including a 2002 poll that indicated that there was not a single Muslim-majority country in which a majority believed that Arabs had carried out the 9/11 attacks, she observes, “Reservoirs of goodwill built up over decades have evaporated.” Pointing out that the U.S. “spends the same on public diplomacy as Britain or France,” she proposes a ten-fold increase in the public diplomacy budget and a reorganization of American public diplomacy efforts, removing the “long-term relationship building or ‘mutual understanding’ programs” from the State Department and moving them to a “Public Diplomacy Institute,” which would include all U.S. soft power institutions, such as the Peace Corps, USAID, the U.S. Institute for Peace, and the Broadcasting Board of Governors. She concludes, “ignoring the present crisis in American credibility will insure that the United States falters and fails in the twenty-first century.”

28.    LAST ALLIANCE STANDING? NATO AFTER 9/11

         Schmidt, John R.

         Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 1, Winter 2006-2007, pp. 93-106

NATO's military role is changing just as the world's security landscape has transformed since the alliance was established in 1949. Schmidt, foreign service officer and senior Europe analyst in the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, discusses whether NATO is evolving or facing potential devolution. NATO’s cohesion, once attacked by the Soviet Union , now seems threatened by an emerging European Union (EU) whose 25-member states are beginning to construct a "distinctive security and defense personality of its own." Schmidt describes an uncertain road ahead for NATO, wondering if it will hold together, or gradually dissolve because of friction with the EU.

29.    THE MIDDLE EAST FREEDOM AGENDA: AN UPDATE

         Wittes, Tamara Cofman; Yerkes, Sarah E.

         Current History, vol. 106, no. 696, January 2007, pp. 31-41

The authors argue that while President Bush’s “Freedom Agenda” to promote democracy has made some gains, it now faces a backlash, in the form of radical and anti-American groups, like Hamas, coming to power in democratic elections. As a result, several Arab governments, like Egypt , are blocking further independence and activism in the nongovernmental sector, which has been the focus of U.S.-funded civil society building, in contrast to slower, less effective diplomatic efforts to promote democracy, which are overly focused on short-term payoffs. The authors call on the U.S. to implement government-wide pro-democracy policies to reconcile overlapping and occasionally conflicting priorities among agencies and give the Freedom Agenda long-term staying power.

30.    RELIGION, CULTURE AND 21ST-CENTURY FOREIGN POLICY

         Albright, Madeleine

         New Perspectives Quarterly, vol. 23, no. 3, Summer 2006, pp. 27-31

In this interview, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright discusses the relationship of religion and culture to foreign policy. The global spread of information ties religion, culture and international relations together. Foreign policy decision makers today must not be self-righteous, but should appreciate different beliefs and motivations even if they conflict with American perspectives.

31.   ROOTED IN POVERTY?: TERRORISM, POOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, AND SOCIAL CLEAVAGES

        Piazza, James A.

        Terrorism & Political Violence, vol. 18, no. 1, Spring 2006, pp. 159-177

The author, professor of political science at the University of North Carolina , analyzes existing studies and reports that have been developed to determine what are the root causes of terrorism, in an effort to help determine if poverty, poor economic development and deprivation are significant causes. He notes that policymakers across the political spectrum regularly cite material want and terrorist activity as the presumed link, and considerable policy decisions are based on those assumptions. Piazza's extensive research establishes that there is no significant relationship between poor economic development and terrorism. His findings indicate that such variables as population, ethno-religious diversity, increased state repression and the structure of party politics play a role in the evolution of terrorism for a specific nation or region. Piazza also found that the lack of formal education played no significant role in aiding the creation of future terrorists. "Poor and poorly-educated Palestinians were no more likely to either support or participate in suicide terrorist attacks than were more affluent and better-educated Palestinians," Piazza said.

32.    SIX-PARTY TALKS: TIME FOR CHANGE

         Chamberlin, Paul

         Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, vol. 8, no. 1, Winter/Spring 2007, pp. 59-67

In a now seemingly prescient article published prior to the latest round of Six-Party Talks, the author calls for a new, less confrontational diplomatic approach to convince North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons. North Korea ’s primary motivation for developing nuclear weapons, argues the author, is a culturally-rooted sense of “han,” sublimated rage and helplessness, expressed in what it sees as the continuing security threat from the U.S. and its ally, South Korea . In 2002, the author sees the Bush administration’s increasingly aggressive rhetoric and the abandonment of the 1994 Agreed Framework and a promised light-water reactor as precipitating factors for North Korea ’s renewed nuclear and ballistic missile activities. The U.S. should consider confidence-building measures, through the Six-Party framework as well as bilateral talks, to encourage North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons, and to develop a new East Asian regional security paradigm.

33.  STABILITY OPERATIONS IN STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVE: A SKEPTICAL VIEW

       Gray, Colin S.

       Parameters, vol. 36, no. 2, Summer 2006, pp. 4-14

The author examines the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review Report (QDR) and analyzes the strategy behind the involvement of US forces in stability operations. There will be little policy demand for stability operations in Afghanistan and Iraq , given the dampened domestic enthusiasm for the "long war". The reconstruction operations that will be put in place inevitably reflect US culture and are unlikely to be successful in American terms. Though the QDR suggests that Iraq should serve "as a model of freedom in the Middle East ", this may not be possible in reality.

34.    A WEAKENED EU'S PROSPECTS FOR GLOBAL LEADERSHIP

         Algieri, Franco

         Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 1, Winter 2006-2007, pp. 107-115

Since 1992 the European Union has developed a significant economic presence but its political goals as a worldwide actor quite often exceeds its "capacity to act as a supranational entity," the author argues. Algieri, a fellow at the Center for Applied Research (CAP) at Ludwig-Maximilians University in Munich , portrays an EU that is growing as new member states come on board but is unable to respond to international events with timeliness. Whether this is due to bureaucratic inertia or structural inabilities to take a greater leadership role internationally, he does not make clear. The main dilemma, according to Algieri, revolves around the EU's desire to exert more power on the world stage without its member states surrendering too much sovereignty. Set against this dilemma is the pressure of nations waiting in line to enter the EU. Whether an enlarged EU will remain relevant in world affairs with these internal pressures is a big question.

35.    WHAT SHOULD BE DONE ABOUT IRAQ ?

         Ottaway, Marina

         Current History, vol. 106, no. 696, January 2007, pp. 42-43

The author, director of the Carnegie Endowment’s Middle East program, finds today’s Iraq “a broken country without central authority” straddling both internal ethnosectarian conflicts and external insecurity caused by the rise of Shiite power from Iran and its impact across the Middle East. National reconciliation has failed, says the author, who instead advocates the de facto partitioning of Iraq into autonomous regions. “The solution to a situation that has spun out of control is beyond the capacity of the United States to devise and above all to implement on its own,” the author says, leaving little option but to engage with the Iraqi people and their neighbors rather than continuing attempts to play “the dominant force that can reshape the region to suit its goals.”

36.    WHO WINS IN IRAQ ?

         Nasr, Vali Et Al.

         Foreign Policy, no. 159, March/April 2007, pp. 38-51

Ten authors identify who are the “winners” in the war in Iraq and why. Iran stands first on the list of winners, while the United States is not even mentioned. Vali Nasr, professor at the Naval Postgraduate School and adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, argues that “ Iran has emerged as the biggest winner of the United States ’ war. There is little stability or democracy in Iraq to impress Iranians.” Uprooting Baathism was good for Iran , he writes. In the political vacuum that followed Saddam Hussein’s downfall, trade and people-to-people contacts have burgeoned. Iraq ’s Shiites and Kurds enjoy friendly ties with Iran . “The war turned a large part of Iraq into an Iranian sphere of influence, and equally important, paved the way for Iranian hegemony in the Persian Gulf ,” says Nasr. Even so, Iraq does face potential problems. A warring Iraq ruled by violent militias could threaten Iran ’s stability as could Kurdish independence, Nasr says. Moreover, many Arab capitals see Iran as a threat.

U.S. Society and Values

37.    ANTI-AMERICANISMS

         Katzenstein, Meter; Keohane, Robert

         Policy Review, No. 139, October/November 2006

         Katzenstein, Meter; Keohane, Robert          Policy Review, No. 139, October/November 2006

Katzenstein and Keohane, professors of international studies at Cornell and Princeton universities respectively, write that the negative worldwide public opinion toward the U.S. that is grouped under the label “anti-Americanism” varies considerably in degree. The liberal anti-Americanism prevalent in Western Europe is fueled by perceptions of hypocrisy, that the U.S. is not living up to its ideals -– but the authors note that hypocrisy “is inherent in the situation of a superpower that professes universalistic ideals.” Other strains of anti-American sentiment center around the the U.S. market-capitalism economic model, or political institutions, or aspects of U.S. popular culture. Key to the authors’ argument is that it is vital to distinguish between opinion and bias -– negative opinion is about what the U.S. does, and bias is about what the U.S. represents. They write that opinion “does not pose serious short-term problems for American foreign policy. However, if opinion were to harden into bias, as may be occurring in the Middle East, the consequences for the United States would be much more severe.”

38.    THE GLOBAL RACE FOR KNOWLEDGE

         Clausen, Christopher Et Al.

         Wilson Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 4, Autumn 2006, pp. 29-58

Globalization has spurred anxiety over the state of America ’s system of higher education; warnings are pouring forth from a variety of institutions that the U.S. is falling behind other countries in the number of graduates in engineering and the sciences. However, the editors note, knowledge and the ability to use it, is hard to measure; China , for example, may graduate eight times as many engineers as the U.S. , according to one report, but “only if one counts recipients of two-year technical degrees and auto mechanics”. Technical and scientific know-how, and mere numbers of graduates, is only the beginning; “knowledge societies” need people who can think for themselves, and institutions that can adapt to change. In this special series, five contributors explore the state of higher education in the U.S. , China , Germany and India , and why a liberal-arts education is more important than ever.

39.    READING , WRITING, RESURRECTION

         Waldman, Amy

         Atlantic Monthly, vol. 299, no. 1, January/February 2007, pp. 88-103

As part of ATLANTIC’s annual “State of the Union” series (issued around the time of the President’s State of the Union address), Waldman follows the determined educators and entrepreneurs who are rebuilding the New Orleans school system. Considered one of the worst in the nation, the devastation wrought by Hurricane Katrina has turned the system into a laboratory for educational reform. In the fall of 2006, only five of the fifty-three public schools were slated to be run by the Orleans Parish School Board, the Louisiana Department on Education had taken over seventeen under the recovery School District, while the rest would be charter schools –- publicly financed but independently run schools that answer to their own boards. The result was “the fastest makeover of an urban school system in American history -– and a patchwork non-system of bewildering complexity and bewitching promise.”

40.    REDEFINING ACCOUNTABILITY

         Joseph, James

         Foundation News and Commentary, vol. 47, no. 4, September/October 2006, pp. 31-35

The author, a former U.S. ambassador to South Africa and former president of the Council on Foundations, writes that accountability in international philanthropy is more than just transparency in financial or organizational matters, but in guarding the “soul and spirit” of the organization, and publicly share the values that go into decision-making. He notes that a major shift between ethics and power has occurred in recent years that should “serve as a background” for accountability in international philanthropy -– ethics and power are increasingly being recognized as one and the same. Consumers are increasingly making choices base on responsible corporate behavior, and political leaders are finding that military or economic might are less effective for cultivating influence than generosity and respect. Joseph explores several questions that philanthropic leaders should be asking themselves, cautioning not to “become so preoccupied with the preservation of our organization and the need to increase our assets” that the deeper meaning of philanthropy is neglected.

41.    THE SEVENTEEN GREAT CHALLENGES OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

         Martin, James

         Futurist, vol. 41, no. 1, January/February 2007, pp. 20-24

The author, with Oxford University, believes that the present time is the best time in all of history to be a young person, because “now, more than at any other time, young people will make a spectacular difference” in the future of humankind. Martin writes that the world is facing an unprecedented global environmental and political crises -– and the thinking of the political and economic ruling elite is dominated by short-term benefits instead of solving long-term problems –- and it will be up to today’s young people “to get humanity through the coming instability as quickly and safely as possible”. He enumerates seventeen challenges, “all interlinked and mutually reinforcing ... that constitute the twenty-first-century transition”, including eradication of poverty, steadying population growth, sustainable lifestyles, protecting the biosphere, preventing all-out war, conquering disease and expanding human potential.

42.    WHAT IRAQ TELLS US ABOUT OURSELVES

         Lang , Col. W. Patrick Jr.

         Foreign Policy, Web Exclusive, Posted February 2007

Colonel W. Patrick Lang Jr., a retired Army colonel and member of the Senior Executive Service, who served with the Special Forces in Vietnam, as an Arabic professor at West Point, and as chief defense intelligence officer for the Middle East, presents the provocative argument that the true root of the problem in Iraq is the perception of foreigners held by most Americans, who “mistakenly believe that when we say that ‘all men are created equal,’ it means that all people are the same.” He criticizes U.S. foreign policy as tending to be “predicated on the notion that everyone wants to be an American” and contends that we “invaded an imaginary Iraq that fit into our vision of the world. We invaded Iraq in the sure belief that inside every Iraqi there was an American trying to get out. In our dream version of Iraq , we would be greeted as not only liberators from the tyrant, but more importantly, from the old ways.” It is vital that we learn to “deal with alien peoples on their own terms, and within their own traditions” if we are to avoid another such catastrophe.

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